The Unsuccessful U.S. Military Policy Towards the Houthi in Yemen
Just recently, "the United States Central Command launched multiple precision strikes against Iranian backed Houthi underground storage facilities" this line of vague information is that epitaph of Biden's US foreign policy in the containment of the Houthi milita in Yemen.
The ongoing conflict in Yemen, primarily between the Houthi rebels and a coalition of forces led by Saudi Arabia, has posed significant challenges for U.S. foreign policy. The Houthis, an Iran-backed group that controls the capital, Sanaa, and much of northern Yemen, have consistently launched missile and drone attacks on foreign shipping lanes in the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea, as well as on U.S. naval assets operating in the region. Despite these provocations, the Biden administration’s approach to the Houthi threat has been largely ineffective, characterized by inconsistent policies, missed opportunities for negotiation, and a lack of decisive military action to counter the group’s growing aggression.
Biden's missile surge was due to the fact that the Houthis, undeterred by the United States military have progressed from shooting at the occasional cargo ship to directly challenging the US Navy's military might in the region
And while the US carrier has escaped any damage, the idea that this small terror nation, at the behest of it's puppetmaster Iran, would continue to escalate violence toward the US Navy will only result in intense hardship for the captive residents of the nation.
The Biden Administration’s Inaction and Missed Opportunities
The Biden administration, when it took office in January 2021, initially signaled a shift away from the Trump-era policy, which had seen heavy support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen. One of Biden’s first actions was to halt U.S. support for offensive operations by the Saudi-led coalition, including arms sales. Additionally, in February 2021, Biden revoked the Trump administration's designation of the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), a move aimed at fostering a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. However, the revocation of this designation, while intended to pave the way for negotiations, inadvertently emboldened the Houthis, who continue to attack commercial shipping and U.S. naval vessels with impunity.
WHO ARE WE DEALING WITH?
The Houthis, officially known as Ansar Allah, are a Shiite Muslim rebel group from northern Yemen, primarily from the Zaidi sect, which is a branch of Shiism distinct from the dominant Twelver Shiism practiced in Iran. The group emerged in the 1990s under the leadership of Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, initially as a movement to protect Zaidi cultural and religious interests against perceived marginalization by Yemen's government. Over time, the Houthis evolved into a powerful military and political force, expanding their influence, especially after the 2011 Yemeni uprising and the subsequent civil war.
Politically, the Houthis advocate for greater autonomy for northern Yemen and a decentralized state, while opposing Saudi influence and intervention. They have been supported by Iran, which shares their Shiite religious affiliation, though the Houthis' exact relationship with Tehran remains a subject of debate. The Houthis oppose the Yemeni government, led by President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, and its Saudi-backed coalition. In their ideology, they emphasize anti-imperialist and anti-Western sentiments, particularly against Saudi Arabia and the U.S., whom they view as interfering in Yemen’s sovereignty.
Religiously, the Houthis follow the Zaidi sect, which is often considered more moderate compared to the mainstream Shiism of Iran and Iraq, but they have adopted more radical, politicized rhetoric over time. Their slogan, "God is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam," reflects both their religious beliefs and political stance against perceived external threats. While initially focused on local issues, the Houthis have become a central player in Yemen's broader geopolitical struggle, involving regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Since then, the Biden administration has made little progress in curbing Houthi aggression. Despite repeated missile strikes on international shipping lanes, the U.S. has failed to implement significant deterrent measures or direct military action against Houthi forces. The administration has also shown little initiative in promoting a cohesive diplomatic strategy involving regional stakeholders, such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Oman, to negotiate a peaceful settlement. The Houthis, with Iranian backing, have been able to expand their capabilities, including the acquisition of advanced missiles and drones, without facing any meaningful consequences from Washington.
Shortcomings of U.S. Policy
Failure to Effectively Use Diplomacy: One of the most glaring issues in U.S. policy toward the Houthis is its failure to leverage diplomatic efforts in a more constructive manner. The U.S. has not made a concerted effort to mediate talks between the Houthis and their adversaries, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE. While the United Nations and other international bodies have attempted peace negotiations, the U.S. has been largely passive, allowing the situation to deteriorate further.
Inconsistent Messaging and Lack of Strategic Direction: The Biden administration’s approach has been inconsistent. While there has been an emphasis on de-escalating the conflict and halting arms sales to Saudi Arabia, the U.S. has failed to take clear and consistent actions to hold the Houthis accountable for their attacks. At the same time, the administration has been reluctant to reverse course on its stance regarding Houthi designation or fully embrace a policy that supports the Saudi coalition’s counteroffensive against the rebels.
Limited Use of Military Options: While the U.S. has provided some military support to the Saudi-led coalition, such as air defense systems to protect against missile and drone attacks, there has been little direct military action taken against Houthi forces themselves. The Biden administration has refrained from launching significant punitive strikes or applying military pressure to weaken the Houthis’ operational capabilities. This cautious approach has allowed the Houthis to continue their missile and drone assaults with little consequence.
Neglect of Foreign Funding Networks: The Houthis have been able to maintain their operations with substantial backing from Iran, which provides both military supplies and financial support. However, the U.S. has done little to disrupt these supply chains or to cut off the funding networks that sustain the group. A more aggressive strategy aimed at targeting Houthi financiers, particularly those based in Iran and elsewhere in the Middle East, could help undermine the group’s ability to wage war.
Suggested Policy Shifts for a More Effective Strategy
Strategic Partnership with Saudi Arabia: Given the complex regional dynamics, the U.S. should reinvigorate its partnership with Saudi Arabia and work closely with them to bring the Houthis to the negotiating table. Saudi Arabia, as the primary adversary of the Houthis, has the leverage and intelligence to identify key Houthi targets. Washington can support these efforts through intelligence sharing and operational coordination while urging Saudi Arabia to engage in direct diplomacy with Houthi leaders. A negotiated settlement, if achievable, could potentially end the conflict and secure regional stability, but this will require a stronger push from the U.S. to encourage compromise.* (see below)
Targeting Key Houthi Leadership: The U.S. should expand its military and intelligence operations to target key Houthi commanders and logistical hubs, both within Yemen and internationally. Precision strikes against Houthi infrastructure, such as missile stockpiles, drone assembly plants, and command centers, could significantly reduce their capacity for missile and drone attacks on shipping lanes and military assets. It is essential that these operations are highly targeted, to minimize civilian casualties and avoid the political blowback that would occur from a broader military campaign. (See who made the VIP list here: https://www.fdd.org/analysis/2024/10/06/the-houthis-leadership-structure/ )
Disrupting the Funding Networks: The U.S. should take a more aggressive stance in dismantling the Houthis’ financial lifelines, particularly those originating from Iran. This could involve greater coordination with international partners to seize illicit shipments of weapons and to freeze the assets of individuals and entities that support the Houthis financially. Cutting off funding is one of the most effective ways to destabilize the group, as it will limit their ability to procure the advanced weapons they need to continue their attacks.
Applying More Robust Deterrence: The U.S. should increase its naval presence in the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf to safeguard freedom of navigation. However, it must couple this with a clear message of deterrence. If the Houthis continue to target foreign shipping or U.S. naval vessels, the U.S. should respond with limited, targeted military strikes on Houthi missile and drone launch sites. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) approach to Hezbollah and Hamas provides a potential model: the IDF uses precise, limited military strikes to retaliate for specific provocations, while avoiding full-scale ground invasions. A similar approach—tightly controlled military responses—could help prevent further escalation while sending a strong message to the Houthis that their actions will have consequences.
Engagement in Regional Diplomacy: The U.S. should reinvigorate multilateral diplomatic efforts, bringing in key regional players such as Oman, the UAE, and even Iran, to help broker peace. The U.S. can play a more active role by facilitating talks, encouraging regional cooperation, and leveraging its influence to push for a comprehensive ceasefire and political solution.
*The Saudi issue? It's complicated.
Saudi Arabia’s position on peace negotiations with the Houthis has evolved significantly in recent years, especially as the kingdom seeks to extricate itself from the costly and prolonged war in Yemen. After nearly a decade of fighting the Houthis, Riyadh has shifted towards diplomacy, preferring to maintain open lines of communication with the Houthi leadership rather than escalating the conflict further. This strategic shift is driven by the desire to avoid additional cross-border attacks and to protect the kingdom’s security, particularly as it faces increasing risks of retaliation from the Houthis, who have targeted both Saudi and international assets in recent years.
In the wake of U.S. and British airstrikes against Houthi military sites in early 2024, Saudi Arabia refrained from siding with Washington, recognizing that further military engagement could provoke more Houthi aggression. Instead, Riyadh emphasized self-restraint and called for de-escalation. This cautious approach reflects Saudi Arabia's broader foreign policy recalibration following the 2019 attacks on its Aramco oil facilities, for which the Houthis claimed responsibility. The lack of a strong U.S. response to those attacks led Riyadh to reconsider its reliance on Washington and to prioritize diplomatic solutions, including keeping open communication channels with both the Houthis and Iran.
Today, Saudi Arabia's focus is on securing a peaceful resolution to the Yemen conflict, which aligns with its broader economic and political goals, particularly its Vision 2030 reform plan. The kingdom is keen to avoid becoming entangled in a new military escalation, especially given the growing importance of regional stability for its long-term development. By maintaining dialogue with the Houthis and Iran, Saudi Arabia hopes to shield itself from further destabilization and reduce the risk of future Houthi attacks, including in vital areas like the Red Sea, which is crucial for global shipping and Saudi economic interests.
Wrapping it up
The Biden administration’s approach to the Houthi rebels in Yemen has largely been ineffective. Despite ongoing missile and drone attacks against foreign shipping and U.S. naval assets, the U.S. has not pursued an aggressive enough policy to curtail Houthi activity. A more successful strategy would involve a combination of diplomatic engagement, military deterrence, and targeted financial and leadership actions. By working closely with Saudi Arabia, disrupting the Houthis’ foreign-based funding, and utilizing targeted military strikes, the U.S. could significantly weaken the group’s capacity and incentivize them to enter serious negotiations. This approach, while avoiding a ground invasion of Yemen, could help bring a conclusion to the conflict and restore stability to the region.
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